Why Is the Islamic World Struggling to Be Independent from the West?
Why Is the Islamic World Struggling to Be Independent from the West?
Introduction: An Old Question That Never Dies
As a writer, I often wonder: why is it that the Islamic world once a beacon of knowledge, economy, and culture today depends so heavily on the West? This question haunts me every time I read the news about imported technology, foreign loans, or the foreign policy of Muslim-majority countries that often seem to wait for a “green light” from Washington or Brussels. (Karen Armstrong, Islam: A Short History, 2002).
In my view, this question cannot be answered simply by blaming a so-called “Western conspiracy.” We also have to be honest in examining what went wrong within the Islamic world itself. I write this article with a neutral and careful stance not to accuse anyone, but to help us understand where the knots are, and maybe how to untie them.
Colonial Legacy: Historical Wounds That Still Hurt
Many historians agree that the roots of the Islamic world’s dependence on the West can be traced back to colonialism. Almost every Muslim-majority region from South Asia, the Middle East, North Africa to Southeast Asia was once an exploitation ground for European powers. When Europe drew borders with artificial maps, what emerged were fragile states, ruling elites molded to colonial interests, and economies directed to serve European metropolitan needs. (Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism, 1993).
The result? To this day, the economic pattern remains: exporting raw materials, importing finished goods and technology. A simple example: many Middle Eastern countries are oil-rich, yet their modern refineries, infrastructure, and even skilled experts still often rely on Western companies. (Noam Chomsky, Hegemony or Survival, 2003).
Foreign Policy: Sovereignty Under Pressure
When formal colonization ended, the relationship did not magically become equal. Islamic countries still often play the role of “junior partners” in global geopolitics. When conflicts arise, peace efforts usually wait for approval from Western powers. The Palestinian struggle is one glaring example. (Rashid Khalidi, The Iron Cage, 2006).
For me, this doesn’t mean that Muslim leaders are incapable of diplomacy. Rather, the international system is structured to maintain dominance by the economically and militarily powerful. Many Muslim countries face a dilemma: they want independence, but fear losing political, economic, or even military support. (Samuel Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations, 1996).
Economy: Raw Materials, Ready-Made Market
Economics is the most obvious knot. Muslim-majority countries are rich in resources: oil, gas, rubber, spices, rare metals, even labor. Yet, the value chain is dominated by multinational corporations. As a result, large foreign exchange earnings often flow straight back to the countries that own the capital. (Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine, 2007).
For instance, when Gulf countries have oil surpluses, the money often goes into real estate investments in the West, donations to elite universities in Europe and America, or buying football clubs. Instead of building homegrown tech ecosystems, the capital is “parked” in Western financial systems. (Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, 2013).
Technology and Education: A Gap Not Easily Closed
During its golden age, Islamic civilization’s centers like Baghdad, Cordoba, and Cairo were home to world-class scholars. Sadly, these positions are now taken by Silicon Valley, London, or Berlin. According to a UNESCO report, research funding in most Muslim countries is below 1% of GDP far below the developed countries’ standard. (UNESCO Science Report, 2021).
I don’t want to simply blame the West for “blocking” us. The Islamic world itself often suffers from bureaucracy, nepotism, and brain drain. Many Muslim scientists succeed in European or American labs but hesitate to return home because local systems lack support. (Ziauddin Sardar, Desperately Seeking Paradise, 2004).
Consumer Culture: Imported Identity
One irony is that in many Muslim cities, young people idolize Western cultural products: films, music, fashion, even lifestyles. The K-pop wave, for example, penetrates Arab markets, South Asia, and Indonesia. In many cases, local culture is sidelined or seen as “backward.” (Hamid Dabashi, Post-Orientalism, 2008).
To me, this shows that “mental colonization” is often stronger than physical colonization. We buy global brands, celebrate global symbols, but forget to build our own cultural industries with global value. (Ali Shariati, Religion vs Religion, 1979).
Military: Security That Must Be Bought
Another factor is defense. Some Muslim countries have massive military budgets but buy their weapons from the West. Tanks, fighter jets, radars, even intelligence tech are often imported whole. This dependence makes many countries vulnerable: if their policies clash with the West, arms supplies can be cut off. (Andrew Bacevich, America’s War for the Greater Middle East, 2016).
In my view, this is a paradox: wanting independence, yet the backbone of defense is externally supplied.
Is Everything Dark? Of Course Not
Still, I refuse to be pessimistic. Some Muslim countries are starting to rise: Turkey is developing its own drones, Iran is self-sufficient in missile technology, Malaysia leads the global halal industry, and Indonesia is building its own digital tech ecosystem. Although still small in scale, this shows the seeds of independence do exist. (Vali Nasr, The Rise of Islamic Capitalism, 2009).
At the grassroots level, young Muslim communities are driving tech literacy, startups, and Islamic fintech. To me, this proves that Islamic civilization still has deep breath to stand on its own feet. (Haroon Moghul, How to Be a Muslim, 2017).
What’s the Way Out?
I believe the solution is not merely accusing the West of oppression. The Islamic world must rebuild from within: fix governance, invest in research, empower young talent, encourage a culture of critique, and reset consumption patterns. Independence is not a slogan but a long process. (Ali A. Mazrui, The Africans: A Triple Heritage, 1986).
If we focus only on the “external enemy,” we forget that the hardest colonization is often “mental colonization.” To break free from dependence means reordering our own mindset. (Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, 1961).
Conclusion: A Collective Duty, Not Just Prayer
I want to end on a neutral but hopeful note. Becoming independent from the West doesn’t mean cutting ourselves off from the world. The Islamic world remains part of global civilization. But the relationship must be fair, not lopsided. We exchange knowledge, trade, and culture but without waiting to be pitied.
This requires collective work: visionary governments, courageous entrepreneurs, and young generations proud to build their own ecosystems. Otherwise, dependence will remain an inherited burden.
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